A-movement and the Epp
نویسنده
چکیده
The article argues that the EPP should be eliminated. It is shown that in a number of constructions the EPP does not hold at all. Where it does appear to hold, its effects follow from independent mechanisms of the grammar. EPP effects concerning the final landing site of A-movement follow from Case theory. Intermediate [Spec,IP]s are filled as a result of the requirement of successive cyclicity (i.e., locality); otherwise they remain empty, which is unexpected if the EPP were to hold. In particular, intermediate [Spec,IP]s remain empty in constructions involving expletive subjects, which I argue do not move at all. It is also argued that the requirement of successive cyclicity should not be tied to a property of intermediate heads, as in the feature-checking/filled-specifier requirement approach to successive cyclicity, but to a property of the movement itself.
منابع مشابه
The Epp Is Independent of Case: on Illicit Unaccusative Incorporation∗
The stipulative nature of the (generalized) EPP – the requirement that certain functional heads have filled specifiers – has led to numerous attempts to subsume its effects within other properties of natural language (e.g. Fukui & Speas 1986; Bošković 1997, 2002, 2007; Martin 1999; Grohmann et al. 2000; Epstein & Seely 2006; Landau 2007; Bjorkman & Zeijlstra 2014; Richards 2014; McFadden & Sund...
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